Protracted Violence In Manipur

India’s Prime Minister last week condemned the violence in the north-east state of Manipur. Earlier, opposition leader Sonia Gandhi expressed deep grief over the tragedy sparked off by ethnic rivalries in a society fraught with complex equations and complicated issues. The events in Manipur were unleashed since early May after a court verdict guaranteed quota in government jobs to an ethnic community that was also allowed to purchase land. A state of 3.7 million, Manipur is divided into ethnic zones to quell tensions between the Meiteis and hill tribes known as the Kukis. The Meiteis make a narrow majority. 

When differences between the two groups turned into hatred, unspeakable violent incidents occurred. Houses were burned while men, women and children were chased, attacked and killed. Angry mobs set some of them ablaze in a violence that has already claimed at least 130 lives and wounded more than 1,700 persons. More than 40,000 people have been rendered refugees as a consequence of the “nightmare” that some quarters call “a civil war.” 

Security forces made a special appeal to women not to create obstacles. Now the situation has improved to pave way for normalcy in all aspects. According to agency reports, a sense of terror and threat of more massacres continue to haunt the area. For many centuries, Manipur remained an independent kingdom in the forested region between Myanmar and what locals still call the Indian “mainland.” 

Ire of fire

On May 3, a student-led group, mostly Kukis, marched in protest after a court ruled in favour of Meiteis demanding to be classified as “tribals” and given a special status that allowed them to buy land in the hills and guaranteed quota of government jobs. Armed clashes ensued, and police armories were raided. Within two days, no less than 56 people were killed. More deaths followed in subsequent weeks. The Gorkha community, of about 50,000, complains of “all castes and communities” benefitting from the privilege of reservations allocated by the state government whereas the Gorkhas are accorded no such privilege. 

Some analysts say that resentments between the two largest communities were fanned by political leaders, with the Kukis reported to have borne the brunt of violence. After Prime Minister Narendra Modi steered his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to the union seat of power in New Delhi, Manipur’s Chief Minister N. Biren Singh and his followers joined the premier’s party.

Some netizens blame provocation by foreign forces for the mindless havoc. Others pour their anger on the BJP, which many opposition leaders accuse of living off communalism. In 1961, about 62 per cent of the local population were Hindu and 19 per cent Christians. In 2011, Hindus and Christians accounted for 41 per cent each. 

The outcome of the recent turmoil: anger and confusion grips not only Manipur in its hour of great stress and loss but also elsewhere in the world’s most-populous country that has unhidden ambitions to be a major player in global affairs.

Some want human rights organisations to intervene and take up the case at various national and international platforms. This might be a farfetched demand that goes against the sovereign rights of an independent nation that likely to be the world No. 3 economy after China and the US within the next decade. Moreover, given the manner in which the superpowers are wooing New Delhi at a time when a new world order is distinctly emerging, India’s international clout has recorded a spurt.

Meanwhile, whichever direction the blame for the Manipur violence might be darted at, the situation stood serious. There is no room to lower guard. Miscreants and sinister motives could try engineering a domino effect from the recent mayhem. BBC Hindi service ran a documentary: “Why is Manipur burning and when will this fire end?” Described by many as “excellent” portrayal of the prevailing conditions and implications, the call in the social media for restoration of peace speaks of the fear all around. 

The state government could hope for the trouble to peter out after the rioters fall out due to fatigue. Manipur is a sensitive area for the union government. Central intervention could be invited if things went completely out of control. Political parties are blaming one another, even as the Manipur masses bear the brunt of the mayhem. Aam Admi Party terms the BJP “a factory for spreading politics of hate”. In fact, the opposition parties wanted the centre to move in at the height of the recent violence. 

The Delhi press, including major TV channels and broadsheet dailies, were accused of not bringing the core issues to free and frank discussion. Many complain against Modi for not making any timely statement on the state of affairs in Manipur. BJP’s critics expressed anger at what they saw as the prime minister’s long and inexplicable silence.

Ill portents

There were legitimate worries that if Manipur continued to suffer delay in the return of normalcy, the situation could activate misguided militant groups in the sensitive north-east region’s other six states, too. The recent violence draws mixed conclusions from different quarters. Most sections seem to agree that the tragedy should have been avoided by appropriate measures preempting the likely scenario in the post-court verdict on the purchase of land and the expansion of the scope of reservation of jobs to accommodate one more community. 

Opinions are sharply divided over the question of zeroing in on who to blame for the horrendous mess. Hence the complexity of the entire issue. Undoubtedly, all should shun communalism and parochialism. So far this has been an extremely onerous but essential task, failing which multiethnic societies in the developing world would risk being doomed to the worst of fear and disaster. 

If the issues raised every now and then by political parties in the region are any indication, existing conditions issue an alert notice everywhere in South Asia. Foreign forces should not be allowed to play proxy wars. And Manipur needs an enduring handling that negates foreign mischiefs, if any, and breaks the cycle of violence. 

(Professor Kharel specialises in political communication.)