Challenges In Taming Perplexing Politics

Politics of Nepal is veering towards an endless chain of causation of confusion, chaos, agitation, anguished rhetoric and restlessness. These elements visibly reflect the symptoms of bedlam. It has shot up the costs of maintaining the integrity of the state, political system, social order and peace and infected the functioning of public institutions. Change is the logo of each political party to match public expectation and fashion the style of better governance. Statecraft requires not only bureaucratic competence but the art and science of political wisdom of leadership and its ability to create synoptic single constitutional vision so that social, economic and political actors are not caught in contradictions, disorder and disarray inviting non-political actors of various stripes to shape public affairs. 

Nepalis are often inspired for change so that they live in a political condition where there is neither domination of powerful economic and political interests nor fear, not even daily anarchy incubated by anguished leadership instinct driving muscular politics of crowd demonstration or threat of rebellion. But what to change and where to change suffers from total haziness and those who crafted the compact are sharply divided by mutual jealousy and contention.

Constitutional amendment

The ruling grand coalition of Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML seems to concentrate on changing the constitutional provisions especially party laws and electoral process by raising the electoral threshold of three per cent and reducing the number of smaller parties considering them as a source of political volatility. NC is averse to the second provision. Politics does not operate in a straight linear way but has many sides and, therefore, leadership must have cognition about it. Large swathes of political pundits are wary of constitutional amendment for its unintended consequences. Still, democratic politics is imbued with the social spirit of timely reform of the institutions of governance. Its bedlam, however, strains the improvement of commonweal and even draws spoilers of the system into politics thus turning it tension-prone and combustible. 

An incremental start to escape from the bedlam politics can spur a sane political order that enables the institutions of authority to perform well as an overriding imperative.

The opposition is at odds, frail and messy drifting into multi-directions. The CPN Maoist Centre, a strong component of the establishment and potent opposition, endorses a change of the constitution to make the election system fully proportional and direct election of the executive head. To increase its leverage in politics it has revived and activated Socialist Front and enlarged its domain of activities anticipating an unseating government. Rastriya Swatantra Party seeks direct election of the executive and replacement of the entire political class. Both are engaged in an anti-corruption tirade plaguing the political class and inflaming the passion of people.

Rastriya Prajatantra Party is habitually inclined to replace the entire political system and constitution and revert to status quo ante to the 1990 constitution with constitutional monarchy and Hindu state. Radical left parties of various hues prefer revolutionary transformation in the nation to establish socialist regime and organise the rehearsal of protest and stir. There are social movement forces which are struggling to keep the constitutional system unstable through political mobilisation and projecting the political establishment in a negative light. Social media often casts a pall of looming national crisis and daily socialising the people in a highly downbeat light.  

Nepali leaders have the dexterity to get votes, not the wisdom of administering complex public affairs of the state and deftness to balance security, freedom, stability and delivery of public goods so that it can improve the nation’s position in global peace index from its current 81 ranking. Only four areas — remittance, hydropower, IT and tourism, seem to act as locomotives of economic recovery. The fulfillment of the likely peace dividend to conflict victims is a must for political transition to civil peace, human rights, democracy and justice. Ordinary Nepalis are hoping for development dividends which are promised in the constitution. 

Nepali society requires the compromise of some liberties for security and order which can regulate the conduct of all actors to lawful path and ease to escape from the growing signs of bedlam so that the state and political parties can get along for political stability, reconciliation and social peace. Protection of people from daily necessities and fear of insecurity is central to engaging them in the daily rituals of production, consumption, exchange and cooperation avert their emigration abroad. Nepali leaders can become successful if they have the critical sense to doubt their own standpoint and learn from failures. Knowing self is central to dispel confusion and gain insight about the laws of nature, the passion of people and their virtues and vices. 

How can the integrity and capacity of Nepali state be ensured from the agitation of upset youths and perplexity of political leaders? How can democratic polity be made functional where mob-led culture and counterculture kill each other’s worth? How can ordinary Nepalis stay satisfied when elites and counter elites, their association and communication try to demoralise each other? Leaders in crowds are emotional and decide in haste to repent later while running statecraft requires socialised intelligence, not just sly maneuver drunk in metaphoric speeches and inflame the patience of the dejected. Populist leaders on the left, centre and right relish popular appeal and spur a capricious milieu.

It is the vision, conviction and courage of leaders that can build their character. If Nepali leaders live up to what they promise to the people, the latter’s trust in the former stays. Trust building requires policy coherence, transparency and ability to act credibly to articulate their promises to public policy and implement them sincerely with the support of impersonal public admin. The partisan distribution of all state posts to party clients regardless of their meritocratic performances, however, exacts structural injustice. As a result Nepali state cannot stand above economic and political interest groups. Conflict occurs between narrow-minded partisanship that fosters clientelism and availability of common good to all.

 If national leadership does not rise up to the multitude of problems, such as mass migration of youth, educated persons and entrepreneurs due to insecurity, grinding poverty and lack of employment opportunity, economic slump, debt burden, dependency and climate change it will increase the anomic conditions, contributing to the plenty of push factors for youth emigration. Nepal has to develop a culture of deliberation to solve a variety of problems, not irrational aspiration for unaccountable activism that so far have weakened the authority of leaders. A non-partisan democracy is inconceivable but popular belief is that non-partisan representatives in local politics have performed in a better, impartial way.

The model of positivism cannot correct the confusion, chaos and complexity of politics, not even ideological rhetoric which has been imperfectly practiced so far but practical wisdom, insight and skill of leadership based on national perspective without losing the merits of certain universal values. The drama of political life is rooted not only in the realisation of human passion as political realists claim but also the grasp of rights, hopes and aspirations of people as they are the source of legitimacy and their trust in leadership creates their political authority. 

This means the condition of stand-off now does not represent the true spirit of politics which is a path of solution of a myriad of problems and creates a just and lawful order in society with fair access to power and opportunities for people and distribution of liveable income. Public power is a vital factor for the survival of democracy and increasing their civic efficacy is the responsibility of leaders. It is the only vibrant public sphere that is capable of generating informed public opinion to shape civic sensibilities, public policies and laws.  

Is it possible when all political parties of Nepal do not hold equal stake in democracy and drift to various versions? Does each of them make the constitution a binding ideal or prefers to alter its vital aspects?  When politics of power operates along a majoritarian line what scope does it leave for the diverse opposition to make democracy a non-zero-sum game? How can civic culture of democracy be evolved in Nepal when politics of bedlam perpetuates and leaders are prone to demonstrate their popularity through the preponderant power of screaming crowds in the street? 

The symptoms of bedlam have occurred as people find some gaps between principles and practice, promise and delivery and politics and law and non-political special interests of society controlling the lever of political power through rent-seeking, media manipulation, influence peddling and bribe against public and national interests arousing the emotion of the deprived. The Nepali public, nauseated by political promises, often demand for their representation, recognition, ownership and circulation in the institutions of power so that they are visible and their voice deemed critical in the polity. This saves polity from the fear of atrophy.

Responsibility

Obviously, the Nepali leaders must bear the responsibility to the public which is not unfamiliar to their long-term political career. Self-alienation, undue fixation with only partisan interests, opportunism and injustice to the public can heat up the critical mass of change agents of society. Intra-party factionalism and populism are adding strength to the political dynamics with the propensity to trample the due process of law. It is an exciting doubt on the functionality of democracy. A state besieged by interest groups cannot shore up the capacity, particularly constitutional, to supply public goods including security, law and order and keep social discipline and a drooping economy in track.

The centralisation of power is inversely related to transparency and accountability to the people and cannot offer a promise for political renewal. Leaders and their associates require constitutional enlightenment connected to the moral, social and spiritual world to enhance the logic of state, everyday politics and regulation of public goods. This can enhance the serendipity of Nepali youth within the nation enabling leaders to face bedlam politics. 

(Former Reader at the Department of Political Science, TU, Dahal writes on political and social issues.)