Bamdev Left In The Lurch?

Communist leader Bamdev Gautam has recently grabbed the headlines, not because of good reasons, but for his edgy political nature. In this advancing age, Gautam, who shed sweat and blood to transform the current ruling CPN-UML into a powerful organisation in the past, has become a pathetic figure. Even late Madan Bhandari used to appreciate Gautam for this zeal and militancy considered indispensable in a communist cadre and for building a robust party network. A sense of fidgetiness and fretfulness best characterises Gautam’s disposition these days. He is dead-set to join the UML but ironically he is unwanted there. With this paradox, he is nurturing his political ambition that largely appears more delusional than real.

Gautam, who is a coordinator of CPN Unity National Campaign, was all set to join the CPN-Unified Socialist where he would be accorded a position of third senior leader after chair Madhav Kumar Nepal and respected leader Jhalanath Khanal. Gautam had demanded that he be given the head of organisation department along with the appointment of 20 leaders of his group as the central committee members. But his demand of the chief of organisational department was too high for the Unified Socialist that is struggling to come out of its own mess generated from its general convention. Nonetheless, it had agreed to induct Campaign’s four leaders, including general secretary D.B. Karki into Standing Committee and adjust others in the CC. 

Volte-face 

No sooner had Gautam and his group's leaders become almost ready to enter the Unified Socialist than he himself made a volte-face. He, all of a sudden, declared that he would join the UML. He changed the tone after meeting with UML chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli twice. Gautam had told his followers that Oli assured him of providing better position in the UML than that of Unified Socialist. As per the media reports, Gautam will hold one executive post in the UML, which can be the 'head of left unity department' or ' chief trustee of the party'. Oli also told him not to fret over the management of his Group’s leaders and cadres in the UML. Gautam wanted to use the term ‘party unity’ when his group would join the UML but he acquiesced to Oli’s advice that it would be their induction or integration into the UML.

However, when a UML secretariat meeting decided to 'co-work' with Gautam faction, he seemed bewildered instead of becoming happy. The term ‘co-work’ (sahakarya) negates the idea of immediate unity or assimilation. This has ironically put a brake on Gautam’s desire for an unconditional entry into the UML anytime soon. It is believed that some leaders within the UML are against bringing Bamdev into the party for fear of undermining their status in the party. Following the dissolution of parliament and division of the party, Gautam sat on the fence and refused to support neither Oli nor the Unified Socialist, a splinter of UML. Gautam’s detractors also argue that he has mercurial character and can set the cats among the pigeons any time after he becomes the UML leader.

According to CPN Unity Campaign secretary Karki, it has committees in 17 districts, including Kathmandu and Surkhet, 13-member central advisors’ body and 17-member national council. A majority members of Campaign has already joined the CPN-Maoist Centre, weakening Gautam’s bargaining power with other parties. Gautam had started negotiations with three left parties - UML, Maoist Centre and Unified Socialist - simultaneously. It has been assumed that Oli gave the word that he would welcome Gautam into the party just for one reason: Gautam is a member in the National Assembly, and his support will be important for the ruling parties to muster majority in the NA at a crucial moment. 

The UML reached out to Gautam when he was in an intense negotiation with Unified Socialist chair Madhav Kumar Nepal to unify the two communist groups. Oli has succeeded to stop Gautam from joining the Unified Socialist, a sworn nemesis of UML. If Gautam had joined the Unified Socialist, this would have given a positive message in favour of the breakaway faction. After the UML decided not to immediately unify Gautam’s group, he is now on the horns of dilemma. “I have not expected that the UML would leave me in the lurch,” Gautam told a daily in an interview. He also recalled a moment when he had played a crucial role in electing Oli as the party chair in the ninth convention.

Naivety 

Now Gautam has made up his mind to convert his group into a party while keeping his options of holding unity talks with other parties open. Even at the age of over 75, Gautam still appears to be a political naïve for he instantly believes in other’s statements without second thoughts, and repents later when his hopes are dashed to the ground. Failing to take right decision at the right time takes the political leader nowhere. Gautam remains undecided on big political events that shook the country in recent years. It would have been wise if he had been a part of any of the three above mentioned parties. If not, he should have expanded the support base that would have been counted while uniting with any left parties.

Now his political influence is on a fast decline. After two years, he will no longer be the NA member. He will command respect and get appropriate position in another party according to his political clout and popularity. Gautam still thinks he has a zeal and energy as of a youth, which he can apply in building the organisation of the party that welcomes him. But this is just an illusion. He is unlikely to give time and vigour to any party like he did during the underground period. In a mature age, a person becomes experienced, practical and wise to some extent. But, Gautam is inclined to bet on his losing political fortune without any substantial ground.

(The author is Deputy Executive Editor of this daily.)