At No. 10, Sunak’s Task Not Easy

Rishi Sunak, 42, might be the first person of colour and Hindu to become the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), where racism continues to exist noticeably and some 45 per cent of the people still hail the country’s imperial history with pride. 

But that “groundbreaking milestone” alone is not sufficient to make a mark of substance in office. The manner in which his predecessor Liz Truss had to bow out so abruptly underscores the challenge the Conservative Party’s successful consensus candidate confronts with. 

Within 48 hours after declaring “I am a fighter, not a quitter”, Truss took a final U-turn to announce her resignation and become the prime minister with the shortest tenure of 45 days. Her first fortnight in office was one of rigid defiance against her Conservative Party’s majority that wanted her tax cut plans to be reversed. 

The weeks thereafter was a constant battle in public and parliament while she took a quick series of U-turns. By the fifth week, the country’s third female premier was weak and wobbling on her way out of 10 Downing Street. She turned blind to public surveys and the clear writing on the wall. 

Obduracy did her undoing, far from the qualities required for fulfilling her claim to become another Margaret Thatcher, Britain’s first female prime minister who led the Conservatives to three consecutive electoral victories beginning 1979. 

Quick U-turns

Staying in prime ministerial positions but straying from what she set out to do during the September campaign for party leadership proved to be a glaring contradiction in her character and conviction.  It was also a desperate situation for the ruling party, what with steep fall in its ratings in public opinion polls. The results showed that the Conservatives had produced Britain’s most unpopular prime minister ever. 

With Truss’s public ratings falling fast, it was the turn of the Tory press to rain scorn on her leadership. Tories worried about an electoral disaster in less than two years. At first despondency descended on the party, which soon was gripped by panicky despair over the Labour Party gaining significant ground in public surveys as a better alternative.  

According to a survey in October, 73 per cent of voters, who had voted Conservative in 2019, believed that Truss and her Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng had lost control of the economy. Truss was widely viewed as a liability, as opinion polls gave the Labour a strong lead over the ruling side by 21 points. 

Public support for Truss had sunk deeper than Theresa May’s during the latter’s dying days in office or at the height of Johnson’s Partygate disclosures. 

All this led the Conservative camp’s large majority to conclude that Truss had to either step down or be shoved out of office, if worse comes to worse. When reality finally dawned on her, a much mellowed Truss elected to take the less painful exit.  

Three prime ministers in as many years cannot produce a flattering report card. The Conservatives will have to fix their organisation for a convincing show of unity, concerted views and all out drive for more satisfactory records by the time they face voters in barely 20 months, if not earlier. A few more political mishaps or embarrassing scandals could cripple the Conservative prospects at the next hustings. The Labour senses prospects of an electoral resurgence, though much depends on how the Sunak team steers the state affairs. 

Therein lies the big challenge for the just sworn in Sunak, who comes from one of Britain’s wealthiest families. As a holder of Master’s degree in Business Administration from Stanford University, the former chancellor has to set his priorities quick and right. Failure would most likely mean fresh elections. For the public would be too upset to be forced upon a fourth prime minister too soon.  As warned by Starmer: “We can’t have a revolving door of chaos.” 

Snap polls have an obvious advantage to the opposition parties—and opportunity to gauge their public support instead of cooling their heels for prolonged period in the opposition benches in parliament. 

The new chief resident at No. 10 can be expected to learn the Truss lesson close to his heart and mind at what not to do. 

At stake

How to conserve energy and save money for average household needs is Sunak’s immediate task. As the winter chill sets in, his task will be to ease things and perhaps even chorus with French, Italian and Austrian leaders, among others, for change of stance. 

He should probe ways of prompt peace talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who ordered his troops into Ukraine in February, ostensibly on security grounds. Russia’s contiguous neighbour, Ukraine had announced a move to join the US-led military alliance, NATO, which provoked the invasion condemned by the majority member nations at the United Nations.

A lot is at stake for the teetotal Sunak’s political career and the Conservative Party’s next electoral fortunes at a time when, in his own words “a profound economic challenge” confronts his government and the British people. Considering Truss’s dismal record, even a modicum performance, starting with some immediate relief to common households, should give the new PM a much-needed breather. Party unity, energy crisis, inflation and its consequent rise in living costs as well as stability are areas the general public would want Sunak to address with urgency and encouraging results. 

On account of the energy crisis triggered by the US-led sanctions against Russia, Europe is already split over the utility of the measures designed to protest the Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.  Containing China is another agenda pushed forth by some of the major NATO members. The young British prime minister’s policy toward China and Russia will test his vision, pragmatism and statesmanship.  

In order to manage the business of Britain’s current economics, Sunak will need to conjure up the minimum for avoiding early elections and to consolidate his own public reputation. A tall order, no doubt—but that’s what an effectively successful leadership is all about.

(Professor Kharel specialises in political communication.)