Six Hours That Shook Seoul

Unexpected and unprecedented in four decades, South Koreans faced a quick series of traumatic events for ten days before the National Assembly formally impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol for declaring martial law. Although normalcy is more or less restored, the crisis is likely to contribute to aftereffects that should be felt both within and outside the ruling party in the coming months.  

Yoon declared a state of emergency on December 3, claiming that North Korean elements had been active in destabilising the country. But the announcement shocked Koreans in general, and the opposition unitedly launched protest rallies. Opposition MPs forced their way to parliament and passed a resolution overturning the martial law declaration. 

In view of the spontaneously widespread anger and anguish over the “authoritarian” move, the president withdrew the martial rule within six hours, though not without sticking to the justification that the measure was designed to “protect the country from North Korea's communist forces” and “anti-state elements”. After four days out of public sight, Yoon addressed the nation, tendering an apology and hinting that he would step down early. A vote to impeach him initially failed when his ruling People Power Party (PPP) boycotted the parliament and deprived it of the required quorum for the move to be registered. 

Bipartisan support

At the beginning, Yoon survived the bill to censure him because the opposition could not muster the required two-thirds of the MPs. The move fell short of five seats in the 300-seat parliament. The opposition-controlled National Assembly could not get through the subsequent impeachment motion when Yoon’s People’s Power Party (PPP) MPs boycotted the parliament. The opposition Democratic Party, led by Lee Jae-myung, had 192 MPs supporting the move.  

On December 14, however, he was impeached with the support of 204 bipartisan lawmakers, which meant that about a dozen PPP members voted with the opposition move. Consequently, Yoon is under suspension, with Prime Minister Han Duck-soo being named Acting President. The Ministry of Justice subsequently barred Yoon from leaving the country. 

Yoon reiterated that North Korea had hacked South Korea’s National Election Commission, alluding that Pyongyang’s role could not be ruled out in the April election outcome that gave the opposition a landslide majority.  Yoon was actually trying to find a way out to bypass the opposition-controlled unicameral legislature which had stalled or blocked several of his key bills. So, he came up with the claim that his action was aimed at protecting the country from “North Korea’s communist forces … and anti-state elements”. While his approval ratings dropped steeply, Yoon, who took office in 2022, and his wife face allegations of corruption. 

Meanwhile, the Department of Justice has issued a travel ban on the suspended president. A probe is already underway in connection with corruption scandals he is alleged to have been involved in. The opposition does not seem to be in any mood for showing leniency even after Yoon, in a statement to the nation, tendered an apology for the martial law declaration and pledged to retire early. 

This is not the first time that a president in South Korea has been impeached. Nine years ago, President Park Geun-hye suffered a similar humiliation after she was found shielding a friend involved in extortion. Impeachment in the country does not entail much rigmarole, given that two-thirds majority, or 201 members, of the National Assembly, can get the move passed.

Impeachment follows a trial at the nine-member Constitutional Court that is entrusted with overseeing the key branches of government. With a history of martial law, military coups and corruption scandals, the peninsular country has had most of its presidents overthrown, assassinated, impeached or jailed on corruption charges. 

Last fortnight’s crisis marked the first such declaration in over four decades, drawing parallels with the military-backed rule of Chun Doo-hwan in 1980. But this month’s martial declaration faced instant, intense public anger triggering massive demonstrations in the streets. Sensing the gravity of the situation, Yoon rolled back his decision within hours. People power, indeed, worked effectively and with speed.

Proactive public  

Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, buddies since their military academy days, were convicted of wrongdoings and sentenced to long jail sentences and heavy fines. Although they received state reprieve well before completing the sentences, the duo went on a long and deep meditation, and handed over much of their personal wealth to the state after expressing deep apologies. The two then retired completely.

In fact, Chun had agreed to constitutional reforms and direct presidential election before stepping down in 1987 and handing over power to his elected successor and buddy Roh-tae Woo. Roh’s previous role in military action was investigated in the 1990s and was found guilty of wrongdoing. 

South Korea recorded the fastest economic strides during Chun’s decade-long rule, enabling the country to emerge as an Asian economic tiger. Seoul that hosted the 1986 Asian Games had already secured the privilege of organising the 1988 Olympics. 

Steps leading to Seoul being selected as the Olympiad venue added to South Korea’s prestige, given that no other Asian country, except Japan in 1964, had played such a role. Chun deployed the military to put down a youth uprising in Gwangju in May 1980, whose number of casualties have never been officially disclosed. It is widely assumed that more than 2,000 were killed, including nearly two dozen soldiers. 

Public anger against the US mounted because the Chun rule was seen as supported by Washington. That might have been the rather restrained statement by the US government at the height of the latest crisis in Korea, where some 25,000 American troops are still stationed since the Korean War in the 1950s, even if sharply reduced from earlier numbers. For Washington is likely to make extra efforts at ensuring continued good rapport with the powers in Seoul.  

South Koreans have demonstrated political resilience and ensured smooth transfer of power for four decades. Last fortnight’s crisis that was quickly defused reiterated this, thanks to a proactive public and quick action by elected representatives.

Professor Kharel specialises in political communication.)