Adding Vigour To The Party

The ruling CPN-Maoist Centre has decided to form all committees through direct voting in its recently concluded statute convention, a move that is expected to check continuous decline of popularity of former rebels. Despite the reluctance of top leadership, the convention impelled it to exercise ‘people’s democracy’ to pick 199 central committee members through its special general convention. However, the post of chairman and 11-member central office will be constituted by the elected CC members. 

This is the first time the Maoist Centre opted for electing the CC member through the direct election. Maoist Centre chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda termed this as ‘break in continuity'. However, this provision obliges him to get elected as CC member from the delegates, which might sound strange for the Maoist supremo, who has been taking on the mantle of leadership uninterruptedly for almost 38 years. With the amendment to the statute, the CC is expected to be filled with popular faces having a grip on the grassroots supporters. This might end the culture of cozying up to the party powerful cliques to move on higher echelon without popular backing.   

Pertinent question

However, the pertinent question is: can the new provision give a new lease of life to the party that has been continuously losing election after the first Constituent Assembly (CA) elections held in 2008. The party emerged the largest political force, pushing the established Nepali Congress and CPN-UML to second and third position. The Maoists rose t o power through the ballots at a time when the world's communist movement had already lost its lustre. But the former rebels could not maintain this momentum in the subsequent elections. In the second CA polls conducted in 2013, the party shrunk to the distant third. In the general elections of 2022, the Maoist Centre had to compete with newly formed Rastriya Swotantra Party (RSP) for the third place. 

Frustrated by waning strength of the party, some leaders and delegates even called for changing the party’s name and poll symbol in the convention. Party deputy general secretary Janardan Sharma proposed removing the term ‘Maoist’ in its nomenclature and adopting ‘socialism’ in its place so as to check the continuous loss in the urban areas. Although Sharma’s motion was rejected by the delegates, this implies the growing defeatist mentality affecting the party functionaries. The word ‘Maoism’ is the party’s identity and prestige. Its removal from the party name also poses a question to the relevance of the Maoist movement.   

However, it is misconception to assume that the phrase ‘Maoism’ drove the voters away from the party. It is the conduct and deeds of its leaders that have made the people disenchanted with the party. Otherwise, it could not clinch a sensational victory in the first CA elections under the same appellation. Failure to respect and utilise that huge mandate forced the party to reel from incessant defeats.  The factional infighting caused a series of party divisions, disrupting the organisation from top to bottom. The leadership penchant to stick to power through the compromises of any sort also frustrated its rank and file. Its flirtation with identity politics and indifference to the agenda of social and economic justice that it raised during the decade-long insurgency also alienated the middle and lower classes of society.

There may be ideological debate on the rationality of Maoist insurgency. Despite leading government three times and becoming its part several times, the Maoist Centre has been unable to give justice to the conflict victims. A large number of people, victimised by the state side, are waiting for justice and reparation but their hopes have been dashed repeatedly. Inordinate delay in completing the transitional justice process has let the conflict victims down, a reason that dented competency and credibility of the Maoist party in the masses.   

There are other factors that have diluted Maoist party's impact in Nepali society. Sometime back, the Supreme Court (SC) rescinded the government’s decision to grant public holiday on Fagun 1 to mark Janayudhha Diwas (People’s War Day). On Fagun 1, 2052 B.S. (February 13, 1996), the then CPN-Maoist launched insurgency with the goal of ending constitutional monarchy and establishing people’s republic. The apex court's verdict has ruffled many a feather in the Maoist party. In their decision, SC Justices – Dr. Aanandamohan Bhattarai and Mahesh Sharma Paudel – have analysed the term 'Janayuddha', based on the decision of Constitutional Committee of CA, new constitution and Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The Constitutional Committee had rejected the term 'Janayuddha' with a majority when the Maoist Centre was the largest party in the CA.  

Consensus 

In the preamble of the constitution, the term 'armed struggle' has been used instead of 'Janayuddha', argue the Justice duo, adding that the CPA and laws related to Transitional Justice have not mentioned this word. The SC also sought national consensus among the conflict victims, political parties and concerned stakeholders in granting public holiday on Fagun 1. Its verdict came in a response to a writ of conflict victims, seeking to quash the government's decision to observe Janayuddha Diwas. 

Now the Maoist movement stands at a crossroads. In his speech, PM Prachanda has called on Maoist splinter groups that believe in Janayuddha Diwas to come together to create a powerful block. However, Maoist factions are poles apart in terms of ideology and outlook on economic and foreign policy. So unity or alliance among them seems improbable in the foreseeable future. The statute convention's bid to democratise the party's wings is a drastic step in giving a fresh impetus to Maoists struggling to pick up the pieces.   

(The author is Deputy Executive Editor of this daily.)