The West Not The Whole World

Chinese “spy balloon” in the United States’ sky in February triggered a big fuss, except that no instrument related to espionage exercise was detected. US Foreign Secretary Antony Blinken postponed his planned trip to Beijing at the last minute, the balloon over the American sky being the ruse. 

The incident did not draw much sympathy for the US even from its close allies. Instead, analysts and commentators expressed concern over the slow manner in which Washington was able to trace a foreign object flying over its territory. A military might of America’s stature should have noticed the foreign object moments after it flew over its sovereign territory.

Not to be overlooked is also that the US annual defence budget of $1 trillion accounts for 40 per cent of world’s weapons in all related aspects. The drifting balloon might be China’s way of sending a message to not just the US but also to the rest of the world regarding individual strengths and vulnerabilities in an age of extensively accessible technology.

Big powers have come to arrogate themselves the right to snoop into the affairs of other countries — something double dealers deny others. The anomaly might not embarrass the US, where the government is known to snoop into the privacy of its own citizens and those of other countries. The whistle-blower Edward Snowden, who did consultant work for works for the US National Security Agency, spilled the beans in 2013 on the nature and scope of the state intruding into the daily privacies of citizens.

Multipolar world

Superpowers hail from the same cloth. Today, three superpowers, including also China and Russia, are battling for top roles in global economic and other agenda-setting activity. Whereas China is a newly arrived powerhouse, the US and Russia emerged as the two key superpower in the post-World War decades. Russia suffered a setback in its global status for about a decade in the 1990s in the wake of the Soviet Union’s disintegration before clawing its way back to the exclusive club. American global strategy is heavily fuelled by China containment desire. 

Demographers have been assessing how many decades it might take for non-white population in the US to emerge as the majority. Likewise, less than half of the populations in much of the West profess Christianity while the rest belong to other religious denominations or none at all. Habituated to playing the dominant and domineering role in global affairs, traditional powers for several decades beamed with self-assurance that theirs would be the monopoly of defining, interpreting what world order should be and what world values are for all to embrace. 

Inevitably, the tempo changed course in recent times. It had to happen. The new millennium gave signs of a faster pace. The 2020s have reiterated so loud and clear for humanity to acknowledge it. The West is in deep despair as it sees its global dominance on the wane. Trying to hinge on hegemony is an anti-thesis of the inevitability of multipolar structure that is well in the making. It risks grave battles and events far worse than many are reluctant to admit in the open. This is amply underscored by current efforts at creating and circulating disinformation contents designed for others to hear believe. 

Such drive might have narcotising effects on the general public for some time, eluded as it might be by the faith reposed in democratically elected representatives and government not to take voters up the garden path. This happened in the past and continues to recur. The question is: For how long? Nation-first should not be the monopoly of a few in the fraternity of nations touting the case of sovereign independent nations not bound by foreign pressure while contriving to exert undue influence on others. Hug-and-bromance show won’t last long or reassure, except for formal trappings.

Battlegrounds for big powers include pathways like proxy war, economic exploitation emanating from agenda pushed forth by “democratic” frame chants; perennial pressure on accepting what world values and national security concerns are or should be. This is interpreted by the power bigwigs. Ultimately, the ploy chases controversy and courts trouble for its targets as well as the strategy initiators. North Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Venezuela and Syria are cases for assessing their frailties and vulnerabilities as well as those of also the bigger powers. 

The world into the third decade of the 21st century disagrees with the definition that the world order should not steer away from the pathways laid down by the traditionally dominant powers. Power equations are changing shifting. If this is not already clear, the next decade should convince the doubting sections of the global populations, long used to having witnessed a specific order.  

Ideology export

For their own interest, the lesser powers should develop capacities for saying and practising “nation-first” in emulation of the dominant powers. Forging ties with like-minded states that follow non-interference in the affairs of other states while upholding their national interests as top priorities should add to their individual as well as collective strengths. A recent example of the changing tide of the times was the US anger attracted by OPEC-plus. Comprising the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and allies including Russia, the grouping agreed to cut daily oil output for the months running through the end of 2023.

Extensive reappraisals are being made about the past 500 years of imperialism and colonialism, economic exploitation, slave trade and the monopoly of declaring and judging what is best for the whole world. The development is cause for deep despair for those having it so good for so long at the expense of others. As the tables start turning, the traditional powers cringe when the anomalies ignored in past are discussed thread bare. Things cannot change overnight. Determined drive does make the difference in course correction anywhere and in any age. Lingering doubts and suspicions will continue. But pretensions of living by lofty ideals prove to be rhetoric more often honoured in its breach than observed in practice. 

(Professor Kharel specialises in political communication.)