Political Stability Still Elusive

On the eve of Nepali New Year 2081 B.S., a Cabinet meeting decided to prorogue the winter session effective from April 14. The government had not ended the parliamentary session just to give time to the lawmakers to celebrate the New Year with their well-wishers in their respective constituencies. This is because it could not conduct any business in the House of Representatives (HoR) due to its continuous disruption by the main opposition Nepali Congress (NC). On Friday, CPN-UML chair KP Sharma Oli said the House was prorogated because of the obstruction of NC that has been demanding a formation of parliamentary panel to probe into the alleged misuse of cooperative funds by Home Minister Rabi Lamichhane.

The ensuing deadlock does not seem to auger well for the national politics in the year 2081 that commenced from Saturday. Then, was the year 2080 B.S. fruitful in terms of political stability and economic development? It could not be annus mirabilis either. It appears instability is at the heart of Nepali politics. It has been plaguing the nation for more than seven decades. The people’s yearning for stability, democratic order and prosperity has proved to be chimera even after the promulgation of new constitution in 2015. The House of Representatives (HoR), formed following the first three-tier polls in 2017, was dissolved twice. The factional feud and whim of the leaders of the then ruling NCP victimised the parliament where the communist forces commanded near two-thirds majority.  

Hung parliament 

Around one year and a half have elapsed since the second general elections held in November 2022. The poll produced a hung parliament, forcing the political parties represented in the HoR to create coalition for the government formation. Contrary to the public expectation, the nation was able to maintain only a veneer of stability. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda continues to lead the government although he changed the coalition partners three times. Building alliances based on the parochial interest has not only eroded the parties’ credibility but also exposed fragility of the federal system, encouraging the anti-systemic forces to organise against it. With frequent changes of ministers, the bureaucracy and financial markets got the jitters, affecting delivery of goods and services to the public.

The early months of the government were marked by its bold actions against those involved in fraudulence and corruption. It started with a bang but ended with a whimper. The police succeeded to arrest some high-profile politicians, top bureaucrats and businessmen involved in the cases related to fake Bhutanese refugee scam, Lalita Niwas land grab, gold smuggling, purchase of equipment of the Security Printing Centre and Terramax technology and embezzlement of 10 ropani land belonging to erstwhile Bansbari Leather and Shoe Factory Limited. The government earned kudos for putting the morally deprived leaders behind the bar but it could not sustain the momentum of anti-corruption drive. The undue political pressure and weak investigation process let the ‘big fishes’ go scot-free.

The leaders such as CPN-Maoist Centre vice-chair Krishna Bahadur Mahara, CPN-UML secretary Top Bahadur Raymajhi and NC central committee member Bal Krishna Khand fell from grace after their role in the forgery and smuggling were disclosed. Now their political career has bitten the dust. These leaders were once praised for their contribution to democratic and communist movement. Their downfall reminds us of a popular statement of British historian Lord Acton: ‘Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely’. Maoist leader Mahara, considered close aide of Prachanda, was found mired in one after another scams. Though he is now released from the judicial custody, he was apprehended when his own party led the government. This shows the strength of our system. If we consolidate the law and its enforcement bodies keeping them intact from political intervention, even the top-notch political figures would now have been in prison, no matter how powerful they are. 

For good governance and accountable bureaucracy, there must be strong and stable government and constructive opposition. But our parties have fissiparous tendencies responsible for chronic political volatility. This has been reflected in the abrupt ending of the House session. Dubbed as the 'bill session,' the winter session ran for two months 10 days by approving just three bills related to monitoring and evaluation of development policies, programmes and plans, anti-money laundering and food purity and quality. 

Domino effect

The HoR held its 22 meetings and the National Assembly 20 meetings. These are negligible gains given the urgency of endorsing the vital bills associated with federal civil service, police adjustment, education, transitional justice, mass media and social media. These bills are vital in institutionalising the federal system and concluding the remaining task of peace process. It is unfortunate that the House has been deprived of accomplishing its essential task. The instability in the centre has domino effect on the provinces where the new chief ministers are appointed immediately after the coalition partners are replaced. 

This chain of instability has bred frustrations among the people about the deliverability of the democratic republic. If the legislature continues to be taken hostage, 2081 B.S. may not be like 2080 B.S. Some politicians are pointing the finger at the constitution and floating the ideas of its amendment. However, faults do not lie in the national charter but in the character and action of the political leaders intent on rising to power by hook or by crook. Their unconstitutional conduct and personalised politics have weakened the capacity of state institutions to meet the people's aspirations.    

(The author is Deputy Executive editor of this daily.)