New Swing In Coalition Politics

Nepali politics resembles the classic game of a tertius. The Latin term tertius denotes a triumphant third party. When two big parties in the parliament—Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML—set themselves at loggerheads, the tertius CPN-Maoist Centre as the third biggest party in parliament, successfully maneuvered to elect its chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ the Prime Minister for third time.

He will continue to relish power if it can manage coalition partners, ease the smooth transition to rotational Prime Minister of half term, Speaker and other posts, remain in good office of the Supreme Court and balance the conflicting pulls of geopolitical forces that are active in the nation for their own strategic gain. The last one is crucial because Nepali leaders have yet to get hands on aplomb to adore diplomatic purdah and follow its code thus spurring Nepalis’ right to decide their destiny and make way for national self-determination in politics, law and public policies, the index of democratic leadership and progress.

The birth of hung parliament following the November 20 elections has opened a new possibility for political parties to switch sides to any direction and ride in power. Like in the past, Prachanda, proved to be a great lever to swing the strength of bloc politics from the NC led five-party coalition government to a seven-party alliance headed by the CPN-UML now. His aspiration to become the head of government motivated him to alter the power equation and muster the legislative support of seven political parties of various stripes—CPN-UML (with 78 seats), CPN-Maoist Centre (32), Rastriya Swatantra Party (20), Rastriya Prajatantra Party (14), Janata Samajbadi Party (12), Rastriya Janamat Party (six), Nagarik Unamukti Party (four) and three independents.  He was sworn in as the PM on December 26 with the backing of these parties and appointed eight ministers in the first lot, some youths with high public spirit while other experienced ones in the team. Management of the differences among coalition partners’ interests will test the ability of the PM.

Stunning role 

NC, the biggest party in the parliament with 89 seats of the 275-member parliament and an intrinsic part of the establishment, is consigned to play the stunning role of an opposition, a role which no party wills to play except Nepal Peasants and Workers Party. NC’s intransigence to compromise the post of PM to Prachanda prompted him to swing to another bloc politics led by CPN-UML. The new coalition is destined to seize the crown federal and provincial cabinets. Now, NC seems suffocated, shaken and deeply revved up again.

The party is assessing its strategy, leadership, planning and organisational capability for the future. Given top leaders of all left parties’ penchant to do away with the emergence of rival leadership, the latter’s loud noises can appeal NC leaders to respond to them in ingenious ways and most likely publicise the risk to liberal democracy, control of media, state institutions and social and economic platforms.  

Leaders of new parties are blinking in the public eye. CPN-Unified Socialist, deserted by both NC and CPN-Maoist Centre, is left in solitude and emotionless. Its leaders are pondering on the future possibility of orbiting around the company of government. Lure of left unity offers hope. RPP, RSP, Janamat Party and Nagarik Unmukti Party, which had no share in the creation of an order of inclusive, federal, secular democratic republic,  have now become a part of the government and stride full of forward momentum on rethinking, innovating and experimenting on what works to their advantage. The government’s endurance rests on overcoming the malaises of yesterdays that wasted many opportunities as a result of perpetual political instability. Time has come for political parties to cultivate national reconciliation and trust so that exercise of political power can be sensitive to the expectations of Nepalis and move the nation in the right direction.

Obviously, Nepali leadership will have to walk a tightrope between Anglosphere and Sinosphere and keep the nation’s freedom of manoeuvre. Neighbouring India, is warily watching whether the predominantly left and nationalist-dominated government will edge closer to China and a counterweight to Anglosphere, or maintain a balance across the cross pressure of geopolitics or recapture its traditional spirit of non-alignment giving boost to big ideas of infrastructure and energy development, connectivity and communication and pinning faith on the rhythm of global cooperation. The geopolitics is now increasingly fused into geo-economics, especially aid, trade, investment, training opportunity and technology transfer. A balancing strategy is a key to domestic political stability. It can free Nepali leaders from blaming foreign plotters for making or breaking the regime, offer them an opportunity to engage in building the image of the nation and recapture the lost dreams as one of the cradles of peace, civilization and justice.

Democracy has provided Nepalis to acquire the fullness of meaning of citizenship, remain thinking and reflective persons, and hone the ability to act up to constitutional standards of sovereignty embedded in them. This requires courage in leadership to change their own nature and character and find the coherence of state sovereignty and popular sovereignty. But the clustering of citizenship on the basis of group identity and group rights defies both possibilities for those outside the groups and subordinates modern rights rooted in human rights of people. This means common vision and values of individual, group-based and human rights embedded in the constitution should provide them a shared roadmap for strengthening the self-confidence of this nation.  

The coalition government can complete its full tenure if it tones a number of priorities on governance, policy stability and public administration such as to settle the protocol of various ministers from coalition partners and independents through negotiation, define common minimum program for coordinated action, keep the integrity of polity demolished by systematic erosion of constitutional bodies and their checks and balance on power, smooth service delivery to match livelihood  needs, rebound the economy, health and education through the mobilisation of resources and management and balance foreign policy issues. These are definitely monumental tasks and require the moral strength and wisdom of a statesman to revive the civic culture of Nepalis slumbered beneath the society and steer the nation in difficult times. The logic of a partisan leader confined to governmental power, engineer’s rationality or a teacher responsible to his students only is inadequate as they are unfit for charting holistic vision and adapting to broader sweep of geopolitical circumstances and aspirations of people. 

This means the new government has to move beyond the art of possible played on manoeuvrings, calculations and bargaining to the art of improving the standards of Nepalis by alleviating poverty, creating employment opportunities at home, mitigating the existential crisis, renewing contact with nature and rebuilding the economy especially by curbing budget deficits, trade deficits created by excessive imports, phenomenal rise of debts and dependency and the inordinate cost of living--all spurred the creation of a passive society. The nation has youth bulge, natural resources and famous cultural and natural sites to propel moderate progress forward. But the policy makers need to free their thinking from the false constraints and determinism that shackled this nation’s development so far and disembodied economy from the people.  

In Nepal, attaining the Directive Principles and Policies of the State requires constitutional conduct. It is especially difficult because many absurd demands of the ruling parties trespass its writ. There are other reasons. First, is the indulgence of political parties in an undemocratic bent by associating with special interest groups who feel no concern for the wellbeing of ordinary Nepalis. Government leaders must build the culture of listening and reflecting their own party promises and the vision of the constitution. Second, the networking nature of party leaders and erosion of conventional ideology in party politics have weakened the old instinct of loyalty and solidarity of people for collective action without replacing it by any other viable means other than personalized clientalism. The efficacy of Nepali parties demands the supply of public good and comradelier attitude which enables them to be re-elected. 

Third, the top-down model of candidates’ selection without sufficient deliberation with the party’s local committees has created a bundle of contradictions. It marks the persistence of authoritarian political culture which is unfit for democratic governance. The de-alignment of voters, party defection and alienation are mainly caused by this inclination.  Democratic parties can be evolved from grassroots-up where people participate in open deliberation in organisation building, saving entrepreneurship, setting priorities, selecting leaders, bridging gender and social gaps and driving membership for social mobilization of trust, loyalty and resources in a decentralized way. They can also revive public pressure and public action for their cause. Fourth, justification of immoral acts, corruption, impunity, unnecessary ordinances and mal-performance has disgraced parties in the public eyes. They need to refurbish their image, working style and introduce a culture of serving the people to overcome their social anxiety disorder.  

Institutional approach

The institutional approach to governance entails measurable results in transparency, excellence, accountability and performance. Recruitment of unfit ministers and parliamentarians for public office in the past has amplified people’s disappointments as they found people’s representatives performing no constitutional responsibilities. The rise of new parties, independents and swings in voters’ alignment proves the futility of excessive partisan-minded political culture which could not produce good governance.  Inner-party democracy and governance reforms can rectify these maladies. Total conformity to the power of establishment without legitimate opposition has for long hobbled the democratic dynamic, inflated the image of leaders, cut the ideal to improve the lots of Nepalis, remove structural injustice and generate economic surplus as a ripple of hope for the wretched beyond clichés,  sermons and loudmouth. Political power without accountability and care to people is vicious and petrified. It cannot lift Nepalis to their full stature and share nothing in common with them.  To cherish the ideal of democracy, a suitable environment must be created by the government so that all people live in harmony and peace with equal rights, opportunities and perform corresponding responsibilities. 

(Former Reader at the Department of Political Science, TU, Dahal writes on political and social issues.)